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Common sense and the law: the C1 crash helmet saga
[Update: For anybody still interested in this case, Mr Parker did, in
fact, lose his case when the prosecutor appealed to the Queen's Bench
Division, as I predicted he would. So if there are any BMW C1s still in
operation, it appears that riders are stuck with totally unnecessary
crash helmets for the forseeable future.]
BMW's C1 motorcycle presents an interesting
conundrum for criminal prosecutors: it's designed to be ridden (or
driven, or whatever you call it) without protective clothing, and that
includes the crash helmet. The C1 is constructed from a pair of steel
hoops within which the rider sits, strapped in by a four-point
harness. In most of Europe it's already accepted by law enforcement
agencies that the C1 rider need not wear a helmet. In the UK, however,
a number of prosecutions were brought against C1 riders in
respect of helmet offences. Most riders so charged simply plead
guilty and paid the £30 fine. But in March 2005, the first
contested case was heard by a magistrates' court, and the magistrates
declined to convict. The defendant was a Mr Parker, an architect from
Bedford. It is not obvious what the grounds for the magistrates'
decision were, nor whether a similar approach would be adopted by other
courts. A magistrates' court decision is, of course, not binding on
any other court. However, the decision did seem to represent at least
a small triumph of common sense over strict adherence to the letter of
the law, and many would argue that this is exactly what we have a
judiciary for in the first place.
Ouch; that's gotta hurt! But the C1's safety features make
serious head injury very unlikely, provided the rider is
correctly strapped in
But this simple-seeming problem, of determining whether helmet
laws apply to the C1, is in fact an instance of one of the most contentious
and intractable problems in English law: whether in interpreting legislation
a judge should give effect
to the letter of the law, or to the spirit of the law.
The spirit of making it compulsory to wear a crash helmet is,
of course, to
protect riders from injury. It seems to be common ground among all
concerned that wearing a crash helmet adds nothing to the safety of a
C1 rider. There would appear to be little possibility that the rider's
head could come into contact with the road in the event of a crash,
and the C1 is fitted with crash bumpers and crumple zones, just like a
car. Indeed, it has even been argued that the extra weight of the
helmet may actually increase the likelihood of neck injury in
the event of an accident. So why have the police been so keen to
charge, and the Crown Prosecution Service so willing to prosecute? Well,
the C1 is a motorcycle, and the law is - or was thought to be
- very clear: if you ride a motorcycle you need a crash helmet
and that's that (there is an exemption for adherents of the Sikh
religion who wear turbans).
Regulation 4 of the Motor Cycles (Protective
Headgear) Regulations (1998) has this to say:
''(1)...every person driving or riding (otherwise than in a side-car) on a
motor bicycle when on a road shall wear protective headgear.''
''(3) In this regulation "motor bicycle" means a two-wheeled motor cycle,
whether or not having a side-car attached...''
which seems fairly conclusive.
Fundamentally, the problem can be summarised like this: making C1
riders wear a helmet is not in accordance with, and may even be in
conflict with, the original purpose of the helmet laws.
However, such a move is entirely in accord with the letter of
the law. At the time the legislation was drafted, there was no notion
that we would one day have a type of motorcycle whose safety was
reduced, rather than enhanced, by a crash helmet. Thus, in this one
specific case, the legislation as drafted achieves no purpose, or a
To understand why this presents such a problem, it is necessary to
know a bit about the history of statutory
interpretation and, in particular, the tension between the proponents
of the 'literal rule' and the so-called 'golden rule' in the late
The existence of a large body of definitive statute law is a
relatively recent innovation in English legal history. Although kings,
with the assistance of the Council, and Parliament, did issue statutes
in the period from the 13th to 17th century, we mostly see a
relatively slow growth in the number and size of statutory enactments
in that period. On the whole, law developed according to 'common law'
principles, in which judges refined and extended the law on a
case-by-case basis. Statutes were not accorded the same reverence by
lawyers as they now hold. Thus, in a pronouncement that would be
almost unthinkable in a modern court, Sir Edward Coke - giving
judgement in Dr Bonham's Case - was able to say:
''...for when an act of parliament is against common right and reason, or
repugnant, or impossible to be performed, the common law will control
it and adjudge such act to be void.''
''Coke was claiming that statute was an inferior
mechanism of law-making to the common law, a view that was widely held
at the time and - if truth be told - continues to be held in private
by some judges even now.''
In other words, Coke was claiming that statute was an inferior
mechanism of law-making to the common law, a view that was widely held
at the time and - if truth be told - continues to be held in private
by some judges even now. There are a number of reasons for this.
First, the judges had had centuries to develop the common law into a
workable form, and would be reluctant to see their work overturned by
the whim of the government of the day. Second, although Parliament was
in some senses representative of the populace, it was not held to be
the ultimate expression of the democratic mandate as it now is. The
notion of 'Parliamentary supremacy' - that Parliament can enact any
law it sees fit - really only developed full force in the 17th
century, and required a civil war to establish permanently.
So the principles of statutory interpretation in the 16th century were very
different to the ones we find followed today. In one of the
earliest, and most famous, cases in which the issue was considered
in depth - Heydon's Case (1584) - the barons of the Exchequer
laid down the following guidance:
"[F]our things are to be discerned and considered: 1st. What was the
common law before the making of the Act. 2nd. What was the mischief
and defect for which the common law did not provide. 3rd. What remedy
Parliament hath resolved and appointed to cure the disease of the
Commonwealth. 4th. The true reason of the remedy; and then the office
of the Judges is to make such construction as shall suppress the
mischief and advance the remedy, and to suppress subtle inventions and
evasions for continuance of the mischief, and to add force and life to
the cure and remedy, according to the true intent of the makers of the
Act, pro bono publico."
In other words, statute law was to be treated as remedial - that is,
enacted to satisfy some deficiency in the existing law - and in
interpretation the judge should have regard to what the defect was,
and how best to apply the statute to its rectification. The judge
could 'add force and life' to the enactment, so long as it was in
accord with the intentions of the legislature, and for the public
good. These guidelines became known as the 'mischief rule', as any
law student will know. However, it is interesting that textbooks for
law students typically present the 'mischief rule' after a sustained
discussion of the other so-called 'rules' of interpretation, and
neglect to make clear that the mischief rule is, in fact, the
earliest rule of interpretation that we know of.
Be that as it may, in the period from the 18th to the 20th century,
there were a number of notable changes in the legislative process.
First, as we have seen, Parliament became more representative of the
populace as a whole (unless you had the poor fortune to be a woman of
course; women in the UK have had a right to vote for less than a
hundred years). Second, statutes became longer and more detailed; it
was no longer as necessary for the judiciary to exercise creativity
when reading them. Third, as we've said, there was the dramatic rise
in the doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty. The modern expression
of this doctrine is contained in Lord Reid's speech in Pickin v
British Railways Board (1974):
''In earlier times many learned lawyers seemed to have believed that an Act of
Parliament could be disregarded in so far as it was contrary to the law of God
or the law of nature or natural justice, but since the supremacy of parliament
was finally demonstrated by the revolution of 1688 any such idea has become
So, since the 17th century there has been an increase in the prestige
of Parliament, and a corresponding willingness of the courts to uphold
the exact letter of its enactments, in stark contrast to the
rough-and-ready methods of interpretation of the 16th century and
before. By the early 19th century, 'literalist' judges like Lord
Tenterden had established a dominant 'literal rule' of interpretation:
the exact words are to be followed, no more and no less, regardless
of the consequences.
This rule had a number of advantages. First, it promotes 'certainty'
in the law. When all other factors are removed from consideration, a
literal interpretation will give the best chance that the views of
the judge and the litigant will coincide. If judges were allowed to
interpret statutes freely, litigation would increase because it would
be harder for the public to determine their exact legal rights.
Second, it encourages precision in legislative draughtsmanship. If the
draughtsman knows that his or her every word could be the subject of a
literal interpretation, is more likely that the right words will be
chosen. Third, it is open to the legislature to remedy defective
rnactments; it ought not to be left to the judges.
''Since a dead man wasn't
entitled to vote, impersonating him couldn't be an offence.''
There are, unsurprisingly, a number of problems with over-reliance on
the literal rule. In the 19th century the one that most troubled
the courts appeared to be
that it could so easily lead to an absurd result. There are any
number of instances of this. In his book The Law Making
Process, Michael Zander provides a list of such cases about
six pages long; for now, two examples will suffice. In
Chappell and Whitley (1868) the defendant was charged with
impersonating a dead man to obtain an additional vote in an
election. The relevant legislation made it an offence to
impersonate 'any person entitled to vote'. Since a dead man wasn't
entitled to vote, impersonating him couldn't be an offence. Thus
a villain was acquitted. In R v Harris (1836) the defendant bit his
victim's nose off. It was held that the legislative terms
'stab, cut, or wound' could not be extended to cover injuries
inflicted with the teeth, since all required blades (in 19th
century legislation, the term 'wound' implied the use
of an edged weapon). The defendant was therefore acquitted.
So in the mid-19th century a parallel doctrine of interpretation
started to develop. This asserted that the 'literal rule' should be
used unless it would lead to an absurdity. The most famous
expression of this principle is probably the judgement of
Baron Parke in Grey v Pearson (1870):
''...the ordinary sense of the words is to be adhered to, unless it would
lead to absurdity, when the ordinary sense may be modified to avoid
the absurdity but no further.''
This principle became knows as the 'golden rule'. By invoking the
golden rule, courts were able to avoid some manifest absurdities.
For example, in R v Allen (1872) it was suggested that
the legislation concerning bigamy was incapable of being enforced,
because it defined bigamy as being married twice. Since
the second marriage will be void, it was simply impossible to be married
twice and therefore, it was contended, bigamy was impossible to
commit. However, the court were prepared to read 'married' as
'having gone through a ceremony of marriage', and thereby convict
The golden rule has only ever had a limited scope; it will only
be applied where the legislation is so worded that it cannot be
applied without absurdity; in any case, 'absurdity' is not easy
to define. Cases from the mid-to-late 19th century reveal
the 'literal rule' and the 'golden rule' to wax and wane in
popularity but, by the end of the 19th century, the literal
rule had clearly triumphed. Giving judgement in
R v Judge of the City of London Court (1891), Lord Esher said:
''Jessel MR says that the words of s.2 [of the statute in question]
are quite clear, and that, if the words of an Act of Parliament are
clear, you must take them in their ordinary and natural meaning,
unless that meaning produces a manifest absurdity. Now, I say that no
such rule of construction was ever laid down before. If the words of
an Act are clear, you must follow them, even though they lead to a
manifest absurdity. The Court has nothing to do with the question
whether the legislature has committed an absurdity.''
In other words, even if the the statute leads to an absurdity,
the judge must apply it anyway.
Although the literal rule had largely seen off the golden rule, by
the first half of the 20th century there was an increasing body of
judicial opinion that favoured a more 'purposive' approach to
interpretation, somewhat more along the lines of the ancient
mischief rule. Probably the most famous exponent of this
approach was Lord Denning, who fought a heroic - and largely
unsuccessful - battle against the traditionalists in the House
of Lords in the 1950's and 1960's. The most famous of these
cases is probably Magor and St Mellons RDC v Newport Corp
(1950) which concerned the way in which compensation was
to be payed by a local authority that had been enriched by
a boundary relocation. Newport was extended to take in the
wealthier parts of Magor and St Mellons, and should therefore
have compensated those authorities. However, at the same time
the original Magor and St Mellons districts were amalgamated into one
authority. Thus, on a strict reading of the statute, no
compensation was payable: there was no administrative entity in existence
to pay it to. In the Court of Appeal,
Denning claimed that the intention of Parliament
was quite plain: the enriched authority should compensate the
loser, even though the loser was administratively a different
''We sit here to find out the intention of Parliament and carry it out
by filling in the gaps rather than by destructive analysis.''
But the House of Lords wasn't ready for this innovation. Lord Simonds
said that Denning's judgement was
''...a naked usurpation of the legislative function under the thin
guise of interpretation.''
Denning lost this particular battle; the literal rule was often applied
mindlessly and without regard to the consequences throughout the
1970s and 1980s. Just one example: in Metropolitan Police
Commissioner v Curran (1975) the defendant was convicted
under s.9(3) of the Road Traffic Act (1972) of
failing to provide a breath specimen for alcohol analysis. Although he was
sitting in a car very drunk, there was no evidence that he had
driven it, or intended to drive it. The charge of drunk driving
was therefore dismissed. However, he was convicted of failing to
produce a breath specimen and disqualified from driving for a year.
All five Judges in the House of Lords held that the purpose of s.9 was
to give powers to the police to deal with drunken drivers,
not to give them an arbitrary power to
breathalyse people. All five judges believed that s.9(3)
had been drafted wrongly, had unjust consequences, led to a great
deal of expensive litigation, and could not possibly have been
what the legislature intended. Nevertheless, all five judges upheld
the conviction. The speech of Lord Salmon is particularly compelling.
It says that effect of the legislation is to
''...produce unique, bizarre, inappropriate, absurd and unjust results
which I am sure that Parliament can never have intended.''
Despite these views he, like his learned brethren, was prepared to
let the conviction stand.
Despite losing the battle for Magor and St Mellons,
Lord Denning was ahead of his time, and he can probably be
regarded as having won the
war. In 1994, responding to increasing pressure on the
judiciary, the House of Lords in Pepper v Hart
ruled that it was OK for
judges to refer to Hansard - the official record of
parliamentary debates - as a guide to interpretation. Why is this
such a concession? Well, if the intention of the legislature really
could be gleaned by a strict reading of the statute - as the literal
rule suggests - then there is never any need to seek the intentions
of Parliament in other sources. Saying that judges may consult
Hansard is tantamount to saying that the literal rule is no
longer always to be trusted.
''Despite losing the battle for Magor and St Mellons,
Lord Denning was ahead of his time, and he can probably be
regarded as having won the
Despite these changes, it is still widely held that if a statute
is perfectly clear, and admits of no ambiguity, then there is little
scope to apply a purposive reading or to consult other sources.
The innovation of Pepper v Hart is unlikely to be of
benefit to a person adversely affected by such a statute.
This has led courts to adopt some fairly strained meanings for
common words, such as taking the word 'carriage' to include
bicycles, and a cave to be a 'premises' for the purposes of
fire prevention. In Richard Thomas v Cummings (1955)
the phrase 'in motion' used in the Factories Act meant 'driven
by a motor', not turned by hand. Thus a machine that was being
turned by hand did not need to have a protective fence.
This seems an eminently sensible result in the circumstances, but
was only achieved by the use of a strained construction of 'in
Such contortions may achieve justice in the individual case, but
it could be argued that they are harmful in the long term. This
was the crux of the Lords' arguments against the Court of Appeal
in the 1950's: if judges take on the process of law reform
themselves, they can only ever do it on a case-by-case basis.
This leads to a body of law which is piecemeal and unstable.
A good example is the famous case of Fisher v Bell(1960),
in which a shopkeeper was charged with 'offering for sale' a
flick-knife he had displayed in the shop window, contrary to the
Restriction of Offensive Weapons Act (1959). There was no question
that the intention of Parliament was to restrict the sale of such
weapons, and that Mr Bell was unquestionably in breach of the
spirit of the legislation. Nevertheless, the Divisional Court
refused to convict. Why? Because the term 'offer for sale' is
used in countless other statutes, and has a technical, legal meaning.
You don't offer something for sale by putting it in a shop window,
because in a retail transaction it is the customer that
offers to buy, and the shopkeeper that accepts the offer.
To convict Mr Bell would have been to say that 'offer for sale'
has a completely different meaning from the established one, and a
whole swathe of contract law would have been thrown into disarray.
As a result of this case, the House of Commons moved to amend
the defective clause within a few months (it now says 'expose for
sale', which is what it should have said originally),
and the problem was corrected. Allowing ad-hoc law reform by judges
can be likened to try to correct sloppy wallpapering by pushing out
the air bubbles. Every time you push one bubble down,
others pop up elsewhere. Before long, rather than one bubble you have
lots of smaller ones. In the same way, judicial discretion can fix
one injustice, but very often at the expense of causing wider
problems elsewhere that may be difficult to fix. Parliament has in the
past been reasonably efficient at amending legislation where its
strict application causes significant hardship, or defeats the
So how does a judge decide, in an individual case, whether to
apply a literal or a purposive approach to
interpretation? Well, sadly, I think that the answer in many cases
is that judges don't even think about it: they are too busy trying
to deal with the case to worry about the niceties of jurisprudence.
Terms like 'literal rule', 'mischief rule', and 'golden rule' were
not invented by judges as they went about their day-to-day work; they
were devised by legal analysts by examining how decisions had been
reached after the event. With a very few exceptions, you don't read
expressions like 'this case calls for application of the literal
rule' in the decisions of judges. In fact, it's rare to see statutory
interpretation mentioned at all.
There are certain judges who are known to favour a strict literal
approach, and those that tend to be more
purposive. But even the most purposive judges have been known
to fall back on literality when it suits them. For example, in
Royal College of Nursing v DHSS (1981) Lord Denning said:
''... I feel that we as judges must go by the very words of the statute -
without stretching it one way or the other - and writing nothing in
which is not there.''
In that particular case, a strict reading of the statute gave his
point of view more weight than a liberal one. Cases where
'literalists' have favoured a purposive reading are also not thin
on the ground.
''English law does not, on the whole, recognise as a
defence to a criminal charge a plea that the law is an ass.''
So we come back to the original problem: does riding the BMW C1
without a helmet contravene Reg. 4 of the the Motor Bicycles (Protective
Holding that it does makes the law an ass, but we have seem that
English law does not, on the whole, recognise as a
defence to a criminal charge a plea that the law is an ass. We have
seen that the courts uphold asinine legislation with great
vigour when the mood takes them.
Is there sufficient ambiguity in the wording that a court might be
able to apply a purposive reading?
The words are clear, but they are not completely
free from ambiguity. First, the term 'motorcycle' is not defined.
Could it be argued that the C1 is not a motorcycle? I
suggest that this is unlikely; there are numerous definitions of
'motorcycle' in other statutes. Mostly the term
applies to any powered vehicle with fewer than four wheels. There
is no question that the C1 has other than two wheels. Another semantic
nicety is the meaning of the words driving or riding on
in Regulation 4. It can be argued, and was argued at Mr Parker's hearing,
that a C1 rider does not 'drive or ride on', he drives or rides
in. Even if this were true, it would still be necessary
to show that the phrase 'drive or ride on' should be read
'(drive or ride) on' and not '(drive) or (ride on)'. If
this were not the case - if the word 'on' was not attached to
'drive or ride' - then the fact that the C1 rider was 'in' the
C1 would make no difference, because he would still be 'driving'. In
practice, if we are prepared to accept that the C1 rider is 'in' and not
'on' his vehicle then the problem of whether 'on' applies to
'riding' or 'driving' can be resolved by reference to the intention of
the legislature which is, of course, to promote road safety, not
to be an ass.
At the hearing, Mr Parker produced evidence of the
high degree of safety of the C1, including video clips of
crash tests. This all makes a very convincing case but is,
of course, only relevant to a court that is already prepared
to follow the spirit of the law, rather than the letter.